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Apocatastasis II: Between Biopolitics and Cunning History

 
                               The Unwanted Humanity II:
                   Between Biopolitics and Cunning History

        (An Essay on Reproduction, Functionality, and Autonomy)

                          

Introduction:
The Paradox of the "Unwanted" Humanity

According to data from the Guttmacher Institute from 2012 and 2014, approximately 40% of pregnancies in the contemporary world occur without the woman’s prior intentional decision to become a mother (Guttmacher, 2014). In Latin America, that figure reaches as high as 56%, while the average in Europe remains around 35% (Singh et al., 2012). And while the modern world formally recognizes female subjectivity, one must ask: if these are the numbers today, what can be said about the history of humanity over the past ten thousand years? About times when war, conquest, slavery, marriages of convenience, and strict patriarchal systems were part of everyday life?

Reliable data on reproductive intentionality in a historical perspective is virtually nonexistent—historical sources are fragmentary, and empirical research remains focused on the modern period. Nevertheless, if we define reproductive autonomy as a situation in which both parents consciously desired a child at the moment of conception, it is reasonable to assume that the vast majority of human lives—perhaps even 80 to 90%—came into existence without mutual intent (Milić, 2025). The reason for this lies not only in social or economic coercion, but more fundamentally in the absence of women’s sexual autonomy, which, for the most part of history, did not exist at all.

On the other hand, there is a striking asymmetry between the macro and micro perspectives of the same phenomenon. From the standpoint of societal needs and historical reproduction, one could argue that "unwanted" humanity—that which arose without the intentional decision of one or both parental parties—was relatively limited in scope. Societies have consistently sought to increase population numbers: for labor needs, military forces in wartime, conquests and colonization of new territories, inheritance, and so forth.

Thus, although from the standpoint of individual decision—especially from that of women—a significant portion of humanity was conceived throughout history without conscious consent or intentional desire, human population was for millennia sustained primarily through the inertia of systemic needs. In other words, humanity has, for most of its history, been "produced" in a manner akin to the breeding of domestic animals: reproduction was not an expression of personal will, but a means of securing resources—armies, labor forces, heirs, political power, and cultural continuity. Sexuality, in this context, was regulated, controlled, coerced, and institutionalized. Individual desire, even if it existed, remained without real social or legal validity. The reproductive decision was not a subjective matter, but a systemic function.

Starting from this anthropological paradox—the paradox of reproductive intentionality—this essay traces the dialectical process of its transformation. The key questions it raises are: In what ways has the tension between systemic necessity and individual will shaped the historical development of humanity? How is this relationship changing in the contemporary world—and what kind of future does it imply? Finally, what does autonomous will truly mean when it concerns the very foundation of human biological existence—reproduction?  

Part I:
Implications of the Paradox of Reproductive Intentionality

The anthropological paradox described above is clear: historically, from the standpoint of the system, reproduction was in the vast majority of cases useful, desirable, and manageable; from the perspective of the individual—particularly women—it was often unwanted, painful, and imposed. The fact that humanity has survived despite being unwanted by its immediate, individual "producers" (i.e., parents) implies several key points:

    1) The Domination of Biopolitics over the Individual: If we assume that the overwhelming majority of people throughout history (90%) were born without the explicit desire of their parents, and that this same mass of people came into being almost exclusively in function of broader or narrower social needs, then the system’s domination over the individual—and over her most fundamental biological right, reproduction—can be expressed with the same proportion: 90%. This domination, then, was systemic and nearly total.

    2) The Individual as the Property of the System: If most people were born without conscious parental intent, then human life did not emerge as the result of individual desire but as a consequence of systemic need—that is, of coercion and necessity. Accordingly, the body and life of the individual were treated as the property of the system (the state, slave owners, clan, religion), and this instrumentalization was mirrored in the attitudes of parents themselves—who often perceived their offspring as a resource, not as subjects.

    3) The Human Body as Raw Material: Across historical epochs, the human being was not born as a subject but as a raw collective resource. Like domesticated animals, humans were primarily regarded as corporeal energy ready for consumption—in labor and production, in war, in ritual, and in ideology. The body existed only as physical mass—flesh for use—made available to systems in much the same way that the bodies of domesticated animals are available to humans today for consumption.

    4) Humanity as a Consequence of Violence and Coercion: Sexual relations have traditionally been organized by the right of the stronger and by the principle of force: physical, economic, and ideological. Authorities, institutions, and norms (arranged marriages, the right of the first night, the exchange of women) shaped reproduction as an act of social power. In this light, humanity is not the result of desire and decision—but the product of a millennia-long history of coercion and violence.

    Contrary to conventional political, economic, or ethnological interpretations of history, this analysis centers on the fundamental biological function of life—reproduction—as the central axis of human historical development. Such an approach opens a new dimension for understanding the historical domination over human beings and their bodies. While class struggle (Engels, 1884), control of the means of production (Marx, 1867), or even the institutional matrices of patriarchy (de Beauvoir, 1949) have remained central to most analytical paradigms, the very process of generating life has often remained invisible as a locus of historical control and alienation. Anthropologists such as Maurice Godelier have emphasized that reproduction is not merely a biological act but "the organizational center of the entire social order" (Godelier, 1986). In this context, the question of intentionality in reproduction becomes essential—not only for understanding the past but also as a precise measure of both individual and collective autonomy in the present and future.

Part II:
The Convergence of Reproductive Intentionality as an Index of Autonomy

The paradox of reproductive intentionality reflects a long-standing historical tension between individual non-intentionality and systemic intentionality with regard to human reproduction. Since replication—or reproduction—is a fundamental characteristic of life itself, control over the act of reproduction represents one of the deepest expressions of autonomy for any living being, particularly for the human as a self-aware subject.

The distance between the two "horns" of this paradox—between individual non-intentionality and collective functional necessity—can serve as an exact indicator of the degree of social and subjective autonomy. The greater this gap (i.e., the more people are born without explicit individual intent and solely due to systemic needs), the lower the level of real autonomy and freedom. Conversely, the smaller the gap, the greater the convergence between subjective will and collective functionality, and therefore the higher the level of effective autonomy—not merely as a legal category but as actual power over one’s own life.

In this sense, one may even formulate the following ontological criterion:
The degree of human freedom in any given epoch is proportional to the degree of alignment between individual reproductive intentionality and systemic functional need for reproduction. The greater this alignment, the more real and tangible freedom becomes; the greater the disparity, the more illusory and formal that freedom proves to be.

The proposed criterion—the criterion of reproductive convergence—possesses three important epistemological properties: it is historically dynamic (allowing changes to be tracked across epochs), normatively neutral (containing no value judgment), and empirically verifiable (it can be quantified using demographic, medical, and sociological data). It will be employed throughout the remainder of this text as a universal measure of human autonomy.

Part III:
The Contemporary World – The Convergence of Opposing Poles of the Paradox

The contemporary world may represent the first historical epoch in which a potential reversal emerges in the pattern of the paradox of reproductive intentionality. However, this reversal is not the result of ideological victory, normative progress, or a rise in collective awareness, but rather the consequence of technological, demographic, and economic pressures on the system itself.

The widespread availability of contraception, expanded access to education, declining mortality rates, digital communication, and the growing economic independence of women—alongside unprecedented technological growth—are reshaping the very functional logic of reproduction. The system no longer assumes a blind, automatic need for exponential population growth. In some cases—particularly in highly developed societies—the system even favors lower birth rates, in order to maintain economic standards, social stability, and ecological sustainability.

This shift, however, is not liberatory because it was desired, but because it has become functionally necessary. Freedom here does not emerge as the outcome of a collective moral decision but as a by-product of structural transformation. This mechanism can be described as the cunning functionality of freedom: it is knowledge and technology that first alter the real conditions of life, compelling the system to redefine productive and social relations—only afterward does space open for the recognition of individual rights and autonomy.

For example, slavery was not abolished due to humanistic motives or moral sentiments, but because of industrial rationality and the shift toward more efficient labor models. The prohibition of child labor did not occur when laws were first enacted but only once children became less productive than adults. In much the same way, women’s freedom to make decisions about their own reproduction did not arise from normative consensus, but from their economic independence, which rendered the system more functional, sustainable, and rational.

In other words, the two opposing poles of the paradox—individual intention and systemic necessity—are beginning to converge. This convergence does not imply the disappearance of antagonism but rather the alignment of interests, a harmonization between personal desires and systemic imperatives.


Part IV:
The Future of the Paradox and Its Transformation

Although the tension between systemic need and individual autonomy is gradually diminishing, the paradox of reproductive intentionality does not vanish—it transforms and mutates, assuming new, more sophisticated forms. The most significant change lies in the narrowing of the gap between systemic demand and individual will. This convergence does not mark the end of the paradox or the elimination of manipulation; rather, it signals a new phase in which the system becomes functionally more efficient precisely when it allows greater room for individual choice.

From this perspective, the basis for cautious optimism emerges: the paradox persists, but its form becomes less violent, more interactive, and more complex. Three key aspects shape this transformation:

    1) Capitalism and Resource Management: Systemic pressure on reproduction now assumes new forms—from fiscal incentives for childbirth to cultural campaigns that glorify parenthood. Although the decision formally remains individual, it is substantively steered through economic stimuli and algorithmically targeted marketing.

  2)  Biotechnology and Selection: Technological advancement enables genetic engineering, artificial reproduction, and selection based on desirable traits. These decisions will appear as personal choices, but at a deeper level, they reflect systemic norms and demands regarding the “ideal” offspring.

    3) The Ideology of Choice: An increase in available options does not necessarily lead to greater freedom; rather, it often transforms freedom into an obligation to choose, placing the subject under pressure to select among preconfigured alternatives. Nevertheless, even within these constrained configurations, there remain opportunities for micro-autonomy and functional maneuvering—not as a result of “authentic alternatives,” but as a by-product of the system’s complexity and porosity. In this sense, freedom is not found in an ideal exterior, but in the displacements and fissures of what already exists.

    At this point, a theoretical dialogue opens with contemporary thinkers:

    Pessimists—such as Michel Foucault, Giorgio Agamben, and Yuval Harari—emphasize the dangers of total surveillance, biopolitical control, and algorithmic manipulation. Foucault analyzes the ways in which power operates through norms, discourses, and institutional structures (Foucault, 1976); Agamben warns of the normalization of the state of exception as a mode of governance (Agamben, 2005); while Harari problematizes the loss of free will through algorithmic anticipation (Harari, 2018).

Although these authors point to real threats, they often overlook the internal dialectical logic of the system—where the pursuit of control inevitably generates side effects: new technologies, new knowledge, resistance, and changes in ideology and practice. These unintended by-products frequently open up new domains of autonomy. One of the main critiques of this position (especially of Foucault’s) is the following: manipulation is a symptom of freedom, not its negation. Only those who can no longer command resort to manipulation. Where absolute power existed—slavery, feudal subordination, direct coercion—manipulation was unnecessary; the master simply issued orders. Paradoxically, then, manipulation is an indicator of expanding freedom, not its demise.

    On the other hand, optimists—such as Axel Honneth, Hartmut Rosa, and Amartya Sen—emphasize the importance of recognition, resonance, and the empowerment of capabilities. Honneth views freedom as the product of social recognition (Honneth, 1996); Rosa locates it in the establishment of a “resonant” relationship with the world (Rosa, 2016); and Sen in the expansion of functional capabilities through education and technology (Sen, 1999). However, this (essentialist) perspective also has its limits: it assigns too much importance to conscious subjectivity and normative consensus, neglecting the fact that the space of freedom often expands despite the subject’s will—through processes the subject does not understand, does not want, or even perceives as harmful.

    In conclusion, freedom does not appear in pure form—neither as a simple act of choice nor as recognition. It emerges as a by-product and epiphenomenon, as an unintended consequence of historical transformations that no one fully controls. This is the fundamental distinction that renders this position Hegelian: freedom is not planned—it is discovered, without foresight, without intention.

Part V:
Conclusion – A New Paradox and Meeting Hegel Halfway

Systemic freedom does not emerge because it has been envisioned, normatively established, or politically proclaimed, but because it becomes functionally necessary. In the Hegelian spirit, we may say: freedom has never been the conscious goal of history, but rather its functional by-product. In the grand scheme of events, freedom does not arise through the deliberate choices of individuals, but through systemic pressures, conflicts of necessity, and shifting conditions over which no single actor has control. Hegel, in The Phenomenology of Spirit (1977, Preface, pp. 18–19), observes that “individuals may be unaware of the goal being realized through them, yet their interests and desires serve as instruments in the unfolding of the world spirit.” This is Hegel’s well-known cunning of reason (List der Vernunft): history instrumentalizes particular motives in order to realize universal ends—most of all, freedom—despite the will of the actors involved.

    In this sense, freedom can indeed be described as an epiphenomenon of functional systemic transformations. However, this does not mean it is irrelevant or illusory. On the contrary—it appears as the unintended outcome of internal tensions, and only subsequently can it be institutionalized and normatively recognized. It is precisely this dialectic—the transition from epiphenomenon to norm—that renders this position both philosophically coherent and empirically traceable.

    This second, perhaps even deeper, contradiction lies at the heart of the Hegelian conclusion: systemic freedom is born of coercion. Paradoxically, what appears as constraint—technological, economic, or biopolitical pressure—is precisely what opens new spaces for autonomy. In this process, freedom often remains invisible: it is not articulated, often not even desired, yet it arises as the functional by-product of systemic adaptation. Resistance to necessity does not negate its operation; it merely shifts its boundaries—and it is precisely in these unplanned internal shifts of necessity that new space for freedom emerges.

    This is why freedom is rarely won as an ideological goal, ideal, or normative project, and far more often emerges as an adaptation to reality under changed conditions. It arrives belatedly, without pomp or fanfare, and is seldom recognized or celebrated as emancipation. Most often, it manifests as “normalcy”—the moment when no one questions whether a woman may use contraception or whether a child must work in a mine. And yet, not long ago, such moments were the culmination of struggle.

    The relationship between the general and the particular—between systemic intentionality and individual will—remains structurally contradictory but relatively stable. What changes are the functional modalities of that relationship. The gap between systemic needs and individual desires is gradually narrowing, most precisely observable in the decline of the index of unwantedness of the human population—one of the most subtle and empirically meaningful indicators of reproductive convergence, and by extension, of social autonomy.

    With that in mind, let us return to the initial paradox: a humanity that for centuries multiplied against its own will—akin to domesticated animals—is now entering an epoch in which reproductive decisions are increasingly based on subjective desire. And not because the system has become more humane, but because it has proven to be more efficient, sustainable, and rational that way. The paradox of autonomy begins as systemic necessity and coercion, and ends as a new possibility for the subject. That paradox is the cunning of history: what begins as necessity and constraint, culminates in freedom.

 

Footnotes

1   Guttmacher Institute. Adding It Up: The Costs and Benefits of Investing in Sexual and Reproductive Health, 2014. According to UNFPA and WHO, approximately 44–50% of all pregnancies globally are unintended—that is, women did not plan to become pregnant at the time of conception.    

2  In South American countries, nearly 90–95% of pregnancies among very young adolescent girls (ages 12–16) were the result of incestuous rape (Singh et al., 2012).

3   See also: “Reason is realized in history through the actions of individuals, but in such a way that it uses their passions, interests, and goals as instruments for the fulfillment of its own ends. (...) This may be called the cunning of reason—that it allows these passions to manifest and find satisfaction, while at the same time directing the course of events toward its own purpose.” (Philosophy of History, trans. Sibree, Dover, 2004, pp. 28–30).

4  In this sense, the key to the mystery of Hegel’s “cunning of reason” lies in the reinterpretation of normativity as functional structurality—what appears to be intentional is, in fact, the emergent logic of a system that overcomes its own internal tensions. Rather than viewing the “cunning of reason” as a teleological normativity, it is interpreted here as the emergent rationality of a system that does not know that it knows—that is, a dialectical functionality without a subject


Literature

Agamben, Giorgio. 2005. State of Exception. Translated by Kevin Attell. Chicago: University of  Chicago Press.
de Beauvoir, Simone. 1949. The Second Sex. Translated by H. M. Parshley. New York: Vintage Books.
Engels, Friedrich. 1884. The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State. Zurich: Hottingen.
Foucault, Michel. 1976. La volonté de savoir [The Will to Knowledge: The History of Sexuality, Vol 1]. Paris: Gallimard.
Godelier, Maurice. 1986. The Making of Great Men: Male Domination and Power among the New     Guinea Baruya. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Guttmacher Institute. 2014. Adding It Up: The Costs and Benefits of Investing in Sexual and     Reproductive Health 2014. New York: Guttmacher Institute.  https://www.guttmacher.org/report/adding-it-costs-and-benefits-investing-sexual-and-    reproductive-health-2014.
Harari, Yuval Noah. 2018. 21 Lessons for the 21st Century. London: Jonathan Cape.
Hegel, G. W. F. 1977. Phenomenology of Spirit. Translated by A. V. Miller. Oxford: Oxford University Press
Hegel, G. W. F. 2004. Philosophy of History, Translated by Sibree, Dover, 2004
Honneth, Axel. 1996. The Struggle for Recognition: The Moral Grammar of Social Conflicts.  Translated by Joel Anderson. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Marx, Karl. 1867. Das Kapital: Kritik der politischen Ökonomie. Hamburg: Otto Meissner Verlag.
Milić, Bojan, 2025. Neželjano ćovečanstvo između mesa i inkubatora; Internet portal P.U.L.S.E.; Bgd. https://pulse.rs/nezeljeno-covecanstvo-izmedu-mesa-i-inkubatora/
Rosa, Hartmut. 2016. Resonanz: Eine Soziologie der Weltbeziehung. Berlin: Suhrkamp.
Sedgh, Gilda, Susheela Singh, and Rubina Hussain. 2014. “Intended and Unintended Pregnancies     Worldwide in 2012 and Recent Trends.” Studies in Family Planning 45 (3): 301–314.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1728-4465.2014.00393.x.
Sen, Amartya. 1999. Development as Freedom. New York: Knopf.
Singh, Susheela, Jacqueline E. Darroch, and Lori S. Ashford. 2012. Adding It Up: The Need for and     Cost of Maternal and Newborn Care – Estimates for 2012. New York: Guttmacher Institute and     UNFPA. https://www.guttmacher.org/report/adding-it-need-and-cost-maternal-and-newborn-    care.

 



Apocatastais I: A Statistic of Silence



                                 A Statistic of Silence:
         Unwanted Humanity Between Meat and Incubator
  (On Symbols of the Control of Women Throughout History)



1. Introduction: Natural Law

For the vast majority of human history, there was no institutional framework to protect women from violence. Reproduction was left to so-called “natural law,” which in essence meant the law of the stronger. In war, women were prize; in peace, they were property. In slave-owning and feudal systems, a woman’s fate depended on the status of the man to whom she belonged. In that system, a woman was reduced to a physical object without autonomy, voice, identity, or rights, and her existence to a function: reproduction, sexual satisfaction of the man, labor. There was only purpose, and that purpose was controlled by the owner – the man.

2. The Statistic of Silence

Looking back through history, a global-anthropological estimate would be the following: around 70–80% of humanity was conceived in a context where the woman not only did not have a free and voluntary role in her own reproduction, but was the object of systemic sexual violence. Perhaps only 20–30% of all humans throughout the entirety of history up to the present were born from relations that could be called freely consensual. That number includes all forms of physical violence as well as cultural and legal coercion – from rape and slavery, to arranged marriages, religious prohibitions, and economic dependence. This statistic is not just a number – it is an anthropological insight. An insight that reveals a deeply disturbing truth: a human conceived in love is the exception rather than the rule. In other words, humanity as a whole is not the product of love, freedom, and mutual desire, but the result of crime, violence, domination, and interest.

3. Violence as a Natural Part of the Divine Order

But what is truly disturbing is the fact that this terrifying continuity of millennia-long violence did not survive solely through brutal physical coercion. For centuries, it was legitimized by religion, legal systems, and ideologies. Monotheistic religions – Christianity, Judaism, Islam, and even Buddhism – built their pantheons in which the man assumes the role of divine intermediary, while the woman remains a passive vessel, a being without voice or access to sanctity. Woman was systematically reduced to the role of object: servant, mother, bearer of lineage. In many myths, it is women who had to be sacrificed.

Starting from the rejection of the apocryphal Gospel of Mary – a text never recognized because it portrayed a woman as spiritually equal, a bearer of knowledge and holiness – the Christian Church systematically anathematized every form of female self-awareness: by excluding women from clerical service, banning access to the altar, and cultivating an ideology of the female body as the source of sin. This shaped the foundational doctrinal pattern by which woman must be metaphysically diminished, possessed, and controlled. During the period of the Inquisition (between 1450 and 1750), this pattern turned into open terror, when between 40,000 and 60,000 women were burned under accusations of witchcraft.

To the religious subjugation of women were added secular ideologies and legal systems. Marx and Engels had already written that woman was the earliest form of private property – a possession to be transferred, controlled, and legally protected as the man’s asset. Thus, the divine order was re-dressed as a legal one, but the essence remained the same: woman as means, commodity – not as goal in her own right.

4. Under the Knife of Ravage or the Glass Bell: Meat or Incubator

The historical fate of women as objects of abuse, depersonalization, and humiliation has been torn between two extremes: violent possession (as spoils, objects of sexual gratification, and direct violence) and control (ideological and political shaping, a technical platform for reproduction). This dual exploitation is symbolically expressed through the metaphors of “meat” and “incubator.” “Meat” and “incubator” are not successive historical phases but two parallel and complementary modes of domination and control – one brutally raw, the other rationally cold. Both symbols erase all individuality and subjectivity of the woman: the first through force, the second through function.

Meat 

Throughout nearly all of human history, with rare exceptions, there was no institutional framework that protected women from violence. The reproductive act was part of a system of repressive power, not intimacy, and the female body bore the universal stamp of “meat” – whether through centuries of rape, abduction, slave trade, or institutional ownership. In slave-owning societies, female slaves were legally property; their bodies were used for labor, sex, and reproduction without any restriction. In feudalism, the feudal lord owned the land, the people, and the women – the “right of the first night” (ius primae noctis) symbolizes precisely that logic. In wars and military campaigns, women were the assumed part of the war prize, while wartime circumstances unleashed “natural law” as the only and dominant one. Throughout all known history, girls were sold into marriage, used as collateral, promised to demons, confined to monasteries, sexually abused, and sacrificed as symbolically “pure meat” in myths, cults, and patriarchal orders¹. The female body has been mass-sacrificed in the history of humankind: the aforementioned European witch hunts between 15 and 17 century are only one example.

   Even in the most civilized century in the history of the human species – the twentieth – the numbers testify to the same picture. Just a few examples are more than monstrous. During the Ottoman genocide of the Armenians in 1915, tens of thousands of women and girls were raped during death marches in Syria, and many ended up as slaves in markets in Aleppo, Damascus, and Mosul. During the Russian Civil War (1917–1923), violence against women was a legal form of dealing with the “class enemy,” in which tens of thousands of women perished. Later, in the gulags, women were subjected to mass organized rapes and beatings. The estimates suggest that between 1.8 and 2.5 million women passed through the gulags during the existence of the USSR. In the final months of World War II, about two million women in Germany were raped by the Red Army. In Asia, around 200,000 so-called “comfort women” were forced into sexual slavery by the Japanese military. During the war for the independence of Bangladesh in 1971, between 200,000 and 400,000 women were raped by Pakistani forces. Most of these crimes were organized and ideologically justified – violence against women was not the result of “wartime chaos” but a systemic part of war doctrine.

    And as the product of that violence, all those women who were treated as “meat” for thousands of years, for thousands of years gave birth to children – hundreds of generations of people born in the shadow of crime.

Incubator

While women of lower classes were treated as "meat" for centuries, women of privileged classes were treated as "incubators." Their bodies were regarded as functional, biological apparatuses, tools of ideology; they were objects of surveillance, eugenic planning, and political molding—through dynastic marriages, inheritance control, and sexual chastity. This was not biological eugenics in the modern sense (e.g., genetic testing), but social eugenics with a high degree of control.

    In antiquity (Egypt, Persia, Greece, Rome), the aristocracy married exclusively within their class. Marriages were political, not romantic. In both European and Islamic medieval aristocracies, marriages were often arranged during childhood. The main criteria were ancestry, property, and bloodline. In China, India, and Japan, it was similar: strict rules of caste, class, and gender. During the Crusades, even physical instruments for protecting property and enforcing control emerged—such as chastity belts. In modern times, “purity of lineage” remained crucial: between 80% and 90% of marriages in the European aristocracy up to the 19th century were arranged based solely on eugenic (status-based, bloodline, political) criteria, not love. The British and French courts recorded even marriages among relatives to preserve “royal blood.”

    In the totalitarian regimes of the 20th century, eugenic policies further rationalized this instrumentalization: reproduction became a function of the state, and the woman was again not a subject of love and choice, but a national womb. Womanhood was even linguistically deconstructed—no longer a “woman,” but a “birther,” “carrier,” “genetic investment.”. In the Nazi Lebensborn program, which aimed to produce “racially pure” babies, thousands of “blue-blooded” women and men participated in state reproductive policy. At the same time, tens of thousands of “undesirable” women were forcibly sterilized—not only in Nazi Germany, but also in Sweden (1935–1976), the USA (1900–1970), Japan (1948–1996), and Singapore (during the 1980s).

5. The Holy Grail: The Forbidden Sacred

Before the world stepped into civilized society and became dominated by the symbols of “meat” and “incubator,” in some early communal forms (e.g., the Iroquois, the Minangkabau, some African and Polynesian groups), women and the female body held a sacred status. Not in terms of moral control, but as a cosmological and natural mystery—a bearer of life, wisdom, and natural powers. The female body was indeed subject to social regulation, but not owned, as in class-based societies where the man holds ius in corpore—the right over a woman’s body as over property. In those communities, the body was not property, but a source of power and respect—even without the modern concept of individual freedom.

    This symbolism survived in the myth of the Holy Grail—the sacred vessel that holds life, meaning, and mystery. It was also preserved in the apocryphal Gospel of Mary, which the Christian Church banned because it offered a different, feminine perspective on spirituality. With the rise of Christianity, this third symbol—the Holy Grail—disappeared from the history of the Western world and survived only in myths, art, and rare spiritual enclaves.

6. The Modern World: “Meat” and “Incubator” on the Market

Although analyses and statistics show that even in highly developed 21st-century societies, a significant percentage of women still report having been forced into sex or having become pregnant under coercion—and that sexual violence occurs within families, religious communities, and schools—the female body has been formally “liberated”: through voting rights, the right to choose, access to abortion, medical care, and more. Unfortunately, this “liberation” has been accompanied by a new form of control—market-based and functional. The female body is no longer prey or property—it has become a commodity and a biological resource on the free market, and as a commodity, potentially the property of all. The woman’s body is subjected to imperatives of performance: aesthetic, reproductive, and technological. On the markets of attention, fertility, and youth, it is valued according to function and desirability.

    Biotechnology and market logic extend the patterns of control: the body as a source of egg cells, the body as a surrogate. “Meat” and “incubator” are still present—but now with a neoliberal face. The cosmetics industry and aesthetic surgery (in which the ravager’s knife has been replaced by the scalpel) faithfully reflect the symbol of “meat,” while artificial insemination and genetic engineering perfect the function of the “incubator.” In vitro fertilization, surrogate motherhood, genetic editing of embryos (CRISPR)—these are all forms that can (though not necessarily) depersonalize women and turn them into literal incubators. The fear of a “post-human” world in which the body is no longer a mystery but a function is justified by centuries of experience. The new god is called functionality, its prophets are market designers, and their sacred secret—the laws of profit.

7. Conclusion: The Return of Apocatastasis

Ultimately, did all those women who were treated for thousands of years as “meat” or “incubators” ever have the right to decide whether to term a pregnancy—their own pregnancy— or not? Of course, not! They gave birth to children not by choice, but by force, expectation, or design. Hundreds of generations were born under the shadow of coercion. And if it is said that man was created “in the image of God,” yet most people were conceived in violence, what does that say about that image? And this is not anymore a metaphor. It is a confrontation with truth—with history, the body, and the brutal memory of humanity, in which man was not created by a God of love, but by coersion: a blind mechanism of violence that does not know what it does, and that spontaneously produces a world in pain. In that image of the world, birth is not a blessing, but for the vast majority of people in the history of humankind – a fall into pain and tragedy.

    “Humanity is unwanted”—that is the true ontological rupture. In that one sentence, the entire history of human origin is compressed, and all the lies about man as the fruit of divine love, spirit, or anyone’s free will are erased. For if humanity was born of violence, not of love—then there is no metaphysical justification either for its existence, nor for love itself. We were not born of love, so we did not inherit it. That means we did not arrive in a world with love, but in a world where love has yet to be created.
    That is a terrible, but liberating truth. If humanity is a world in which all people are the result of genetic violence, coercion, trade, or deceit, then every child conceived in love is a miracle in the strictest sense of the word: the appearance of something that does not arise from the law of force, but from its negation. Every child born of love is a subversion of cosmic statistics, divine laws, religions, sacred texts, and mythic doctrines.

      If anything holds meaning in this history of violence, it is the trace that leads from voiceless flesh to a human being who demands the right to speak, to feel, to desire, to say NO. That is the only true teleology we possess: not “salvation,” but the acceptance of that which has never been accepted. The question that remains is: can the symbol of the Holy Grail—banished from all temples of our world—return, not as mysticism, but as an ethical foundation? Can the apocryphal Gospel of Mary be acknowledged, not merely as a historical artifact, but as an alternative to violence and domination? Can we once again imagine the woman’s body not as “meat,” not as “incubator,” but as the sanctuary of a free person?

 

 

Footnotes and Literature:

1     In Buddhism, there are schools in which women hold a higher spiritual status (e.g., Tibetan Tantrism)

2.    Brian Levack, The Witch-Hunt in Early Modern Europe, Routledge, 2006 (3rd ed.); Lyndal Roper, Witch Craze: Terror and Fantasy in Baroque Germany, Yale University Press, 2004.

3.     A man's right to have sexual relations with his wife without her consent was common in the legal systems of many countries until the late 20th century. In France, marital rape was not considered a criminal offense until 1990. See: Catharine A. MacKinnon, Toward a Feminist Theory of the State, Harvard University Press, 1989; also: Marie-Victoire Louis, “Le viol conjugal: une conquête féministe,” Cahiers du Genre, 2006/1, no. 40-

4.    Ethnological and historical analyses of the systemic abuse and instrumentalization of young girls can be found in: Gerda Lerner, The Creation of Patriarchy, Oxford University Press, 1986 – especially the chapters on women as commodities in marital exchanges and rituals. See also: Silvia Federici, Caliban and the Witch: Women, the Body and Primitive Accumulation, Autonomedia, 2004.

5.   "Gulag." Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. Last modified April 2024. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gulag; MacGregor, D. (n.d.). Women in Stalin’s Russia; Gulag. Facts and Details. Accessed May 2025. https://factsanddetails.com/russia/History/sub9_1e/entry-4969.html

6.   Antony Beevor, Berlin: The Downfall 1945, Penguin Books, 2002.; Vidi takođe: Norman Naimark, The Russians in Germany: A History of the Soviet Zone of Occupation, 1945–1949, Harvard University Press, 1995.

7.   Yoshiaki Yoshimi, Comfort Women: Sexual Slavery in the Japanese Military During World War II, Columbia University Press, 2001.

8.    Rounaq Jahan, “Genocide in Bangladesh,” Race & Class, vol. 16, no. 4 (1975): 385–393.

9.   Alison Bashford & Philippa Levine (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of the History of Eugenics, Oxford University Press, 2010. Also: Miroslava P. Radojčić, “Eugenika i prisilna sterilizacija: transnacionalne politike tela u 20. veku,” Zbornik Instituta za noviju istoriju Srbije, br. 2 (2018): 45–66.





Nova srpska mitologija: mit o "Nebeskom narodu" III Deo

 

             Mit o vekovnom stradanju, nevinosti i mučeništvu   

                           III deo: Druga polovina XX veka
  
     

Mit o srpskom vekovnom mučeništvu i stradanju, o Srbima kao „božijem jagnjetu“ i „nebeskom narodu“ koji je kroz istoriju uvek bio žrtva, nikada sklon genocidu, nastao je tokom XIX veka a dobio značajnu podršku u XX veku, Tvorci ovog mita uglavnom su nacionalistički orjentisani intelektualci, pisci, crkveni autoriteti, političari i mediji koji su gradili kolektivni nacionalni identitet zasnovan na fiksiranosti nacionalne svesti na Kosovski poraz, ropstvo pod Osmanlijama i ustaški genocid tokom II sv rata. Narativ o stradanju i nevinosti postao je posebno popularan tokom raspada SFRJ, ratova krajem 1990-tih, i kasnije, u kontekstu optužbi Zapada za srpsku odgovornost u ratnim zločinima, a zagovarali su ga mnogi intelektualci i pisci tog doba, crkveni autoriteti i vladajući politički krugovi.

ČINJENICE:

Mnogo istorijskih dokumenata osporava mit o Srbima kao vekovnim mučenicima i nedužnim žrtvama istorijskih događaja. Činjenice ukazuju na kompleksniju sliku istorije u kojoj Srbi nisu uvek bili samo žrtve, već su, kao i svi drugi narodi, bili akteri sa različitim ulogama, uključujući i one sa odgovornošću za masovne zločine. U turbulentnom XX veku period II sv. rata sigurno je bio jedan najkrvavijih u istoriji Balkana, a u kome je Srpski narod igrao ključnu ulogu.


1.  Četnici
Četnički zločini bili su deo šire etničke politike koja je uključivala pokušaj stvaranja "Velike Srbije" unutar ratom razorene Jugoslavije. Prema mnogim istoričarima, cilj ovog pokreta bio je stvaranje etnički čistih teritorija putem eliminacije ili proterivanja nesrpskog življa. Četnici su izveli brojne akcije etničkog čišćenja i zločina nad nesrpskim življem, naročito Muslimanskim i Hrvatskim. Iako su bili deo otpora protiv okupacije, povremena saradnja sa okupatorom im je pomogla u ostvarenju tih akcija bez straha od osuda i represija. Četnički zločini su dobro dokumentovani a neki od njih su i sledeći:    

-   Istočna Bosna i Sandžak (1941–1943): Foča, Goražde, Čajnič, Višegrad, Sjenica, Pljevlja, Priboj i sela oko njih pretrpeli su masovne masakre civila (pretežno Muslimana) i spaljivanje sela. Tokom zime 1942. četnici su u Foči i okolini izvršili masovne pokolje nad muslimanskim stanovništvom. Žrtve: 2.000-3.000 civila u Foči, uključujući žene i decu; 300 - 500 u Pljevljima; Izvršioci: Četničke snage pod komandom Draže Mihailovića (JVuO) i lokalne jedinice istočne Bosne i Sandžaka; Zapovednici: Zaharije Ostojić, Pavle Đurišić.

-   Dolina Lima (februar 1943): tokom "Limskih operacija," četnici su spalili veliki broj sela oko Gusinja, Plava, Priboja i Prijepolja, ubivši preko hiljadu civila. Žrtve: 1000 – 1500 civila (pretežno Muslimani); Izvršioci: četničke snage JvuO; Zapovednici: Pavle Đurišić. 

-  Hercegovina (1941-1942): u Autovcu, Bileći, Koritu, Fojnici i Gatačkom srezu četnici su izvršili više pokolja nad civilnim življem. U Gatačkom srezu dokumenti navode masakre i spaljivanje sela pri čemu su stradali pretežno civili, žene, deca i starci. Slični zločini dogodili su se u mestima Korita i Fojnica Žrtve: 500-700 ubijenih, veliki broj spaljenih sela. Izvršioci: Jedinice pod komandom Petra Baćovića i Pavla Đurišića; Zapovednici: Petar Baćović, Pavle Đurišić. 

-  Crna Gora (1942-1944): u Kolašinu, Andrijevici i okolnim selima četnici su izvršili masovna streljanja muslimana, proterivanje i uništavanja njihove imovine. Žrtve: 1500 – 2000 civila (pretežno Muslimana); Izvršioci: četničke snage JvuO; Zapovednici: Pavle Đurišić 

-  Dalmacija (1941-1943): u selima oko Omiša i Makarske, zabeleženi su akcije etničkog čišćenja, gde je stotine Hrvata ubijena, a njihova imovina uništena. Selo Vrgorac je spaljeno. Žrtve: 300-400 Hrvata: Izvršioci: Četničke snage Dalmatinskog korpusa. Zapovednici: Momčilo Đujić.

-  Kordun, Lika i Banija (1941-1943) U ovim oblastima bilo je masovnih egzekucija i spaljivanja sela. Cilj tih akcija bio je stvaranje homogenih srpskih područja. Slični zločini počinjeni su i u zapadnoj Bosni, u područjima oko Bihaća i Cazina. Žrtve: 300-450 civila Hrvata i Muslimana. Izvršioci: Lokalne četničke jedinice pod kontrolom komandanata iz tih oblasti. Zapovednici: Nikola Kalabić, Dobroslav Jevđević.

   Zaključak: Mnoštvo dokumenata ukazuju na neospornu odgovornost četničkog pokreta za masovne zločine nad civilnim (pre svega nad nesrpskim) sa motivom etničkog čišćenja. U samo gore navedenim slučajevima četnici su odgovorni za oko 6.000 do 7.500 civilnih žrtava, dok se ukupan broj žrtava koji im se pripisuje kreće između 20 i 30.000, a odnosi se uglavnom na nespske civile. Praksa etničkog čišćenja deo je istorijskog nasleđa sukoba na Balkanu. Navedeni primeri pokazuju složenost etničkih odnosa na Balkanu gde je nasilje bilo uzajamno, i gde su različite etničke zajednice i počinioci i žrtve u različitim istorijskim kontekstima.

    (Stav koji se pojavio krajem XX veka da su komunisti sistematski pripisivali svoje zločine četnicima nije podržan dokazima i pre je deo političkih narativa nego istorijske stvarnosti. Četničke zločine dokumentovala je ne samo novo-uspostavljena vlast FNRJ, nego i mnoge posleratne savezničke komisije, a mnogi dokazi su se pojavili kasnije u nemačkim arhivima kao i svedočenjima preživelih žrtava.)

2)  Vlada Milana Nedića

U vreme okupacije Srbije tokom II sv. rata, vlada Milana Nedića aktivno je sarađivala sa nacističkom Nemačkom, dovevši do značajnih represalija i stradanja među stanovništvom. Iako srpska, Nedićeva vlada je sprovodila ‘nemački nacistički program‘, uključujući progone, hapšenja, likvidacije protivnika režima, deportacije i sl. Za sve koji su pružali otpor okupatoru (partizani, četnici, simpatizeri socijalističkog pokreta), kvinslinške vlasti su često bile brutalnije od nemačkih snaga. Prema istorijskim podacima, žrtve Nedićevog režima uključuju sledeće:

-  Progon Jevreja i Roma: Nedićeva vlada sarađivala je u identifikaciji, hapšenju i deportaciji Jevreja u logore. Prema podacima stradalo je između 13.000 i 16.000 Jevreja iz Srbije, većina njih u logorima Sajmište, Topovske šupe i Jajinci. Šef nemačke civilne administracije u Srbiji, Dr. Harald Turner, u avgustu 1942. izjavio je da je Beograd prvi grad u Evropi koji je postao ‘Judenfrei‘. Romi su takođe bili žrtve sistematskog terora i likvidacija, posebno u Beogradu i okolini, a procene govore o 4.000 - 5.000 ubijenih.  

-  Progon partizana i simpatizera: Brojevi variraju, ali se procenjuje da su represivne mere dovele do egzekucije između 20.000 i 25.000 osoba, uključujući i civilno stanovništvo koje je optuživano za saradnju sa partizanima. Samo na Banjici broj stradalih kreće se oko 3.500 do 4.000.

-  Regrutacija u prisilne radne logore: Preko 50.000 Srba bilo je deportovano na prisilni rad u Nemačku i druge delove Trećeg Rajha. Veliki broj njih nije preživeo ili se vratio sa trajnim psihičkim i fizičkim traumama. Procene smrtnosti deportovanih variraju, ali su izražene u desetinama hiljada. 

-  Teror nad civilima: Pod izgovorom borbe protiv komunizma, kvinslinške snage su zavele teror nad civilima koji je uključivao hapšenja i masovna streljanja. Poznate su represalije u Kraljevu i Kragujevcu, gde je u oktobru 1941. streljano blizu 5.000 civila. 

Zaključak: Neračunajući deportovane u logore (oko 50.000), ukupan broj žrtava Nedićevog režima tokom nemačke okupacije procenjuje se na oko 60.000 do 80.000. Premda je vlada Milana Nedića, s jedne strane, pokušala da zadobije određenu autonomiju pod nemačkom vlašću i faktički zaštiti narod, druge strane sprovodila je politiku koja je nanela nesagledive štete pre svega sopstvenom narodu i stanovništvu. 

3)  Partizani za vreme rata (1941-1944)

Nad svojim neprijateljima Titovi partizani sprovodili su brutalne mere uključujući masovna streljanja i likvidacije. Posebno je brutalno postupano sa pripadnicima četničkog pokreta, ustaša, kao i civilima koji su smatrani saradnicima okupatora ili protivnicima komunističkog pokreta. Najveći dokumentovani zločini partizanske vojske nad zarobljenim vojnicima ili civilnim stanovništvom za vreme rata uključuju sledeće:

-  Masakr u Kragujevcu (Srbija, oktobar 1941.): Kao odgovor na nemačke represalije u Kragujevcu, partizani su izvodili napade na lokalne civile koje su smatrali saradnicima neprijatelja ili simpatizerima okupacionih snaga. Odmazda je izvedena nakon nemačkih masovnih streljanja. Žrtve: Oko 50–100 civila. Izvršioci: Crnogorski i Šumadijski odred. Zapovednici: Joakim Rakovac (komandant Crnogorskog odreda).

-  Zločini u Foči (Istočna Bosna, 1942.): Nakon povlačenja četničkih snaga iz istočne Bosne, partizani su sproveli odmazde nad civilima koji su smatrani pročetničkim. Posebno je stradala Foča.  Žrtve: između 1.000 i 2.500 civila. Izvršioci: Prva proleterska i 4. crnogorska brigade, lokalne bosanske jedinice. Zapovednici: Koča Popović (komandant Prve proleterske brigade) i Peko Dapčević (komandant 4. crnogorske brigade).  

- Masakr u Gorskom Kotaru (Hrvatska, proleće 1943.) Tokom ofanzive protiv domobrana i četnika, partizani su sprovodili odmazde nad civilima za koje se verovalo da ih podržavaju ili sarađuju s okupatorom. Žrtve: oko 200–300 civila. Izvršioci: 13. primorsko-goranske divizije NOV Hrvatske. Zapovednici: Ivan Gošnjak (komandant IV operativne zone Hrvatske) i Stanko Parmać (komandant 13. primorsko-goranske divizije).

- Zločin u Đakovu (Slavonija, Hrvatska, jul 1943.) Tokom borbi između partizana i nemačkih snaga, partizani su optužili lokalne civile za kolaboraciju i sproveli egzekucije nad zarobljenim, uključujući civile koji su smatrani simpatizerima okupatora. Žrtve: Oko 150–250 civila. Izvršioci: 17. slavonske brigade NOV Hrvatske. Zapovednici: Stevo Horvat (komandant 17. slavonske brigade)

-  Zločin u Gračanici (Bosna, april 1944.) Nakon povlačenja četnika iz oblasti Gračanice, partizani su vršile racije i streljanja civila za koje se smatralo da su četnički simpatizeri. Postoje brojni izveštaji o nasilju i zastrašivanju lokalnog stanovništva. Žrtave: Između 100 i 200 civila. Izvršioci: 16. muslimanska brigada NOV BiH. Zapovednici: Enver Hodžić (komandant 16. muslimanske brigade).

-  Egzekucije u Srebrenici (Istočna Bosna, 1944.) Nakon povlačenja četnika iz Srebrenice, partizani su počeli sa represijama nad lokalnim civilnim stanovništvom zbog navodne saradnje sa četnicima. Veći broj civila je uhapšen i streljan. Žrtve: Oko 200 civila. Izvršioci: 6. istočnobosanska brigada NOV BiH. Zapovednici: Mustafa Džemaludinović (komandant 6. istočnobosanske brigade).

- Masakr u Vrgorcu (Dalmacija, oktobar 1944.) Tokom oslobođenja Dalmacije od snaga NDH, partizani su sproveli brojne egzekucije civila za koje se smatralo da su podržavali ustaše. Žrtve: Oko 300 - 500 civila; Izvršioci: 8. dalmatinska divizija, koja je bila deo NOV Hrvatske. Zapovednici: Vicko Krstulović (komandant operacija u Dalmaciji, član Vrhovnog štaba NOVH-a) i Vladimir Bakarić (politički komesar za Dalmaciju).

- Bitka na Zelengori (12. i 13. maj 1945.): poslednji veliki sukob između JA i četničkih snaga u II sv. ratu. Nakon poraza preostali četnici se povlače u planine istočne Bosne (oko Foče i Kalinovika). Iako se gen, Mihajlović izvukao, najveći broj vojnika i oficira (300) se predao ali su svi streljani. Žrtve: 5000 – 10 000 (?) ljudi; Izvršioci: I proleterski korpus, 38. divizija JA, III i IV armija JA, KNOJ; Zapovednici: Koča Popović (I proleterski korpus), Kosta Nađ (III armija), Peko Dapčević (IV armija), Ljubo Vučković (38 divizija).   

Zaključak: Tokom rata partizani su sprovodili masovne egzekucije civila i zarobljenika kao odmazdu nad snagama koje su smatrane kolaboracionističkim (četnici, ustaše, domobrani, ljotićevci, nedićevci i drugi). Ukupan broj žrtava (streljenih zarobljenika i civila, dakle nije reč o ubijenim u borbama) u tom periodu je nesiguran ali se procenjuje na 15.000 – 20.000. Gornji primeri pokazuju sledeće: 1) Masovne egzekucije su bile pre uobičajena praksa nego li usamljeni incidenti, što ilustruje brutalnost metoda koji su korišćeni u cilju eliminacije protivnika; 2) Egzekucije su vršene po političkoj a ne nacionalnoj ili etničkoj osnovi, što ukazuje da u borbi za vlast komunisti ni jednom etnosu nisu davali prednost. 3) Odgovorni za zločine su uglavnom pripadnici sopstvenih nacionalnosti. 

4) Komunističke čistke (kraj II sv. rata, 1945.)

Posle oslobođenja 1945., partizanske vlasti, pod kontrolom KPJ zavele su teror i sprovele niz represivnih mera protiv svih koji su optuženi za saradnju sa okupatorom ili su smatrani klasnim neprijateljima. Te mere uključivale su masovne egzekucije civilnog stanovništva bez suđenja ili uz minimalne pravne procedure. Neka od najvećih masovnih streljanja zarobljenih vojnika i civila su sledeća:

-    Mačva i Podrinje (Šabac i okolina, jesen 1944): Tokom „čišćenja“ partizanske snage sprovele su masovne egzekucije lokalnog stanovništva optuženog za saradnju s okupatorom ili pripadnost četničkom pokretu. Šabac je bio centar ovih operacija, gde su streljanja bila masovna i često bez suđenja. Žrtve: 4.000–7.000 civila; Izvršioci: 1. proleterski korpus NOVJ. Zapovednik: Koča Popović. 

-   Beograd (Oktobar 1944 - januar 1945) Po oslobođenju Beograda oktobra 1944., započela su čistke. Meta su bili ljudi optuženi za saradnju s nacistima, ali i pripadnici buržoazije, intelektualci, sveštenstvo, svi koji su smatrani potencijalnim protivnicima nove vlasti. Stratišta su bila u Beogradu i okolini: Ada Ciganlija, Banjički logor, Lisičiji potok, Majdan, Grafičar, stadioni Obilić i Sinđelić, i dr. Žrtve: 10.000–20.000. Izvršioci: Odeljenje za zaštitu naroda (OZNA) i 1. proleterski korpus. Zapovednici: Koča Popović (1. proleterski korpus), Aleksandar Ranković (OZNA). 

-  Banat i Bačka (oktobar 1944 – februar 1945): veliki deo Nemaca (Folksdojčeri) i Mađara je interniran i streljan kao osveta zbog zločina nemačkih i mađarskih okupacionih snaga tokom rata. Čistke su sprovedene i među srpskim stanovništvom za koje se smatralo da su bili kolaboracionisti. Masovne likvidacije su zabeležene u Zrenjaninu, Novom Sadu, kao i u brojnim manjim mestima širom Banata. Žrtve: 8.000–10.000; Izvršioci: 3. vojvođanska brigada, lokalne jedinice OZNE; Zapovednici: Radovan Zogović (3. vojvođanska brigada). 

-  Kragujevac i Šumadija (novembar 1944 – februar 1945): U Kragujevcu i šumadijskim selima partizani su streljali brojne civile, uključujući pristalice četničkog pokreta, kao i one za koje se smatralo da su sarađivali s okupatorom. Ove čistke bile su deo šire akcije likvidacije političkih neprijatelja i eliminacije lokalne elite koja je smatrana pretnjom novoj vlasti. Žrtve: 1.500–3.000; Izvršioci: 14. srpska brigada, lokalne jedinice OZNE; Zapovednik: Dragoslav Draža Petrović.  

-  Južna Srbija (decembar 1944 - mart 1945): u Nišu, Leskovcu i Vranju, zabeležene su čistke tokom i nakon partizanskog zauzimanja ovih gradova. Civili, bivši pripadnici četničkog pokreta i simpatizeri streljani su masovno, a mnogi su internirani u logore ili zatvoreni bez sudskog postupka. Žrtve: 3.000–5.000. Izvršioci: 21. divizija NOVJ, lokalne jedinice OZNE; Zapovednik: Danilo Lekić. 

-  Zločini u Ljevča Polju (Zapadna Bosna, april 1945.) U završnim operacijama partizanske snage su porazile četničke formacije u Ljevča Polju, a zatim sprovele masovna pogubljenja zarobljenih četnika i njihovih simpatizera. Žrtve: Oko 5.000 - 7.000 (ugl. zarobljeni četnici i civili). Izvršioci: 3. armija JA i lokalne partizanske jedinice. Zapovednici: Kosta Nađ (komandant 3. armije JA), Pero Kosorić (komandant partizanskih snaga u Bosni).

-  Egzekucije u Hudoj Jami (Slovenija; maj 1945) Jedan od najpoznatijih slučajeva masovne egzekucije, ugl. civila i vojnika zarobljenih nakon kapitulacije: svi su bačeni u rudaničke jame, mnogi i živi zatrpani. Žrtve: oko 3.000 - 5.000. Izvršioci: jedinice KNOJ-a i OZNA. Zapovednici: Aleksandar Ranković (šef OZNA-e), Ivan Maček - Matija (komandant slovenačkog KNOJ-a)

-   Blajburški masakr i Križni put (Austrija i Hrvatska; maj, jun 1945): Nakon kapitulacije Nemačke i povlačenja nemačkih, ustaških, domobranskih i četnikih snaga prema Austriji, britanske snage su predale veliki broj zarobljenih pripadnika ovih formacija partizanima. U narednim mesecima, na hiljade civila i bivših vojnika ubijeno je tokom marševa smrti i masovnih egzekucija. Žrtve: procene veoma variraju, od 40.000 do 60.000, uključujući veliki broj civila. (v. Dodatak II) Izvršioci: 1. i 3. armije JA, Slovenačka 14. divizija, 17. divizija, i 18. divizija. Zapovednici: Aleksandar Ranković (šef OZNA-e koja je upravljala likvidacijama), Koča Popović (komandant 1. armije JA), Kosta Nađ (komandant 3. armije JA). 

-  Masakri u Kočevskom Rogu, Slovenija (maj, jun 1945): Po završetku rata, veliki broj zarobljenih ustaša i četnika, ali i civila, deportovani u područje Kočevskog Roga gde sprovođene masovne egzekucije. Žrtve su ubijane bez suđenja i bacane u masovne grobnice u šumama. Žrtve: Između 10.000 – 12.000. Izvršioci: Korpus narodne odbrane Jugoslavije (KNOJ) i Odeljenje za zaštitu naroda (OZNA). Zapovednici: Aleksandar Ranković (šef OZNA-e), Ivan Maček Matija (komandant slovenačkog KNOJ-a). 

-   Istra i zapadna Hrvatska (jun–jul 1945): U Pazinu, Poreču, Rovinju i okolini izvršena su streljanja civila pod optužbom saradnje sa ustašama ili Italijanima. Žrtve: 2.000–4.000. Izvršioci: 43. istarska divizija, lokalne jedinice OZNE; Zapovednik: Frano Vrančić.  

-    Dalmacija (oktobar 1944 - mart 1945): U Zadaru, Splitu, Šibeniku, Dalmatinskoj zagori i okolnim selima partizani su izvršili streljanja civila pod optužbom saradnje sa ustašama ili Italijanima. Žrtve: 1.000–2.500. Izvršioci: 9. dalmatinska divizija NOVJ, lokalne jedinice OZNE; Zapovednik: Pavle Jakšić.  

-    Crna Gora (novembar 1944 – februar 1945) U Kolašinu, Cetinju, Nikšiću i okolnim selima partizani su izvršili streljanja civila pod optužbom saradnje sa ustašama ili Italijanima. Žrtve: 1.500–3.000. Izvršioci: 2. udarna divizija NOVJ; Zapovednik: Peko Dapčević.  

-  Bosna i Hercegovina (mart – maj 1945) U Sarajevu, Mostaru i okolini izvršena streljanja civila pod optužbom saradnje sa ustašama ili četnicima. Žrtve: 3.000 – 5.000 većinom civili. Izvršioci: 29. hercegovačka divizija, lokalne jedinice OZNE. Zapovednik: Petar Drapšin.  

-  Srem (oktobar 1944 – april 1945) U Somboru, Subotici i na Sremskom frontu izvršena su streljanja civila pod optužbom saradnje sa neprijateljem. Žrtve: 4.000 – 6. 000 (Ovde je reč samo o civilnim žrtvama koje su streljali partizani a ne o vojnim žrtvama na Sremskom frontu). Izvršioci: 36. vojvođanska divizija, lokalne jedinice OZNE. Zapovednik: Kosta Nađ. 

Zaključak 1: Posleratne „čistke“ na teritoriji Jugoslavije bile su deo šireg plana obračuna sa stvarnim i potencijalnim protivnicima nove komunističke vlasti. Procene variraju, ali istoričari smatraju da je tokom čistki u Srbiji, neposredno nakon rata, stradalo između 45.000 i 65.000 ljudi, dok se broj stradalih u čistkama van Srbije (ugl. u BiH, Hrvatskoj i Sloveniji) procenjuje na 55.000–75.000, što ukupno iznosi  100.000 – 140.000 ljudi. U većini slučajeva egzekucije su vršene bez suđenja ili uz minimalne pravne procedure,  na zabačenim mestima, rudničkim kopovima ili mestima na kojima su kasnije podizane fabrike, škole i drugi objekti. Sve to je dovelo do dubokih podela u posleratnom društvu i dugoročnih posledica po istorijsko sećanje. 

Zaključak 2: Događaji navedeni u tačkama 3) i 4) predstavljaju najpoznatije i najveće zločine partizana u okviru konteksta rata, revolucije i posleratnih čistki. Dokumenti svedoče da je Srbija neposledno posle rata podnela najveće žrve od strane partizana, a porazna je činjenica da su najveće ratne i posleratne masakre u Srbiji sproveli sami Srbi-komunisti poreklom van Srbije, koji su činili većinu u partizanskoj vojsci (v. Dodatak I: indeks etno-zastupljenosti u NOV). Ovi obračuni nisu bili etnički motivisani već su bili deo borbe za vlast, gde su komunisti eliminisali protivnike bez obzira na nacionalnost i etničko poreklo. To ukazuje na brutalnost grašanskog rata i sukoba unutar vlastite etničke zajednice u cilju sticanja i učvršćenja  moći. 

Zaključak 3: Iako procene srpskih civilnih žrtava i zarobljenih vojnika značajno variraju, samo žrtve pale od srpske ruke (navedene tačke 1-4) ukazuju na cifru od 120.000 do 140.000 ljudi [60.000 - 80.000 pod Nedićem, 10.000 - 15.000 u partizanskim egzekucijama tokom rata, 45.000 do 65.000 tokom posleratnih čistki] U ove cifre nisu uključene vojne žrtve na frontovima i u svim vojskama, poginuli u savezničkim bombardovanjima (10.000-20.000), kao i deportovani u logore u Nemačku, a niti žrtve od strane ustaša. Sve to ukazuju na složenost ratnog konteksta, u kojem su Srbi bili i žrtve ali i sopstveni egzekutori. Činjenica je da su, u II sv. ratu Srbi trpeli agresiju i represiju, ali su u i sami sprovodili akcije koje su uključivale masovne zločine i egzekucije prema drugim narodima ali pre svega prema sopstvenom narodu. U tom smislu, premda je Srbija zaista pretrpela ogromna stradanja i gubitke, mit o “srpskoj nevinosti” kao nacionalnoj osobini nije potvrđen istorijskim činjenicama. Naprotiv. Taj mit često zanemaruje kompleksnu ulogu Srba kao subjekata istorijskih dešavanja, čime stvara jednostranu sliku koja je više slika traume kolektivnog identiteta nego slika istorijske realnosti.
 

                                   DODATAK I:
           Žrtve tokom Drugog sv. rata u Jugoslaviji

    Prema zvaničnom izveštaju od 26. maja 1945, Jugoslavija je u Drugom sv. ratu izgubila 1.685.000 ljudi, odnosno 1.706.000 prema izveštaju podnetom Internacionalnoj komisiji za ratne reparacije u Parizu, 1946. U istom izveštaju se tvrdilo da je 75% stradalih žrtve nacističkih streljanja i logora smrti.
    Na zahtev vlade SR Nemačke 1964, Savezni zavod za statistiku u Beogradu obnovio istraživanje i došao do podataka da su ukupni demografski gubici (žrtve rata plus staradali od gladi, emigranti, pad nataliteta i dr.) 2.056.510, dok je broj  poginulih oko 1,100.000. Kasniji istraživači utvrdili su da tačan broj iznosi 1.014.000 (po Kočoviću), odnosno 1.027.000 (po Žerjaviću). Premda su se autori služili različitim metodama, Kočović demografskom a Žerjavić dokumentarnom, podaci do kojih su došli se u velikoj meri poklapaju.

    Nacionalnost    Kočović (1985)   Žerjavić (1989)  Poimenično

    Srbi                      487.000                530.000              346.740
    Hrvati                  207.000                192.000              83.257
    Muslimani           86.000                  103.000              32.300   
    Crnogorci            50.000                   20.000                42.027
    Slovenci               32.000                   42.000                16.276
    Makedonci           7.000                     6.000             -
    Jevreji/ Romi  60.000/85.000       57.000/77.000     45.000/ 31.723
    Ukupno               1.014.000              1.027.000             597.323

    Ove rezultate je potvrdio i Vladeta Vučkovič koji je za vladu SFRJ 1964. izradio novi izveštaj o žrtvama i došao do zakljuička da su prvobitne cifre predstavljale „demografske gubitke“ a ne „žrtve rata“. U javnosti je ta cifra „postala jedan mit koji se, gotovo neokrnjen, održao sve do urušavnja komunističkog režima u Jugoslaviji, krajem osamdesetih godina“ a podaci o tome su podvedeni pod kategoriju „vojne tajne“. A kao žrtve komunističkog terora od 1945-1948, Kočović navodi cifru od 285.000.
    Po uzrocima stradanja Kočović i Žervajić se uglavnom slažu u sledećem:

  Civilne žrtve                                    500.000 – 600.000
  Vojne žrtve u svim formacijama    400.000 – 430.000
  Nemačke represalije                        80.000 - 100.000   
  Logori   40.000-50.000 (Beograd), 80.000 – 100.000 (Jasenovac)    

    Najbolnija i najdublja tragedija Drugog sv. rata u Jugoslaviji leži u činjenici da su, u vrtlogu okupacije, otpora i borbe za vlast, živote izgubili pretežno Jugosloveni, ali od ruku samih Jugoslovena, čime su rane rata postale bolnije i trajno obeležile duh naroda i zajedničku sudbinu buduće države. Ili kao što kaže britanski istoričar Noel Malcolm, u svojoj knjizi Bosnia: A Short History (1994):
    „Kad se govori o ukupnom broju žrtava u Jugoslaviji u te četiri užasne godine, nemoguće je razmrsiti sve te niti. Ipak, jasno je da je najmanje milion ljudi izgubilo živote, a verovatno su većina njih bili Jugosloveni koje su pobili sami Jugosloveni” (Noel, 1994).

                                     DODATAK II  
              Indeks etno-zastupljenosti u NOV 1941-1945.
 

Tokom Drugog sv. rata etnički sastav Titove narodno oslobodilačke vojske (NOV) u Jugoslaviji je varirao. U početku rata ogromnu većinu je činio bio Srpski živalj ali tokom ratnih godina, posebno nakon Kapitulacije Italije 1943., partizanima su prilazile sve veće grupe ne-srpskog stanovništva. Prema procenama Srbi su činili preko 80% sastava NOV 1941, dok je na kraju rata 1945 indeks etno-zastupljenosti bio sledeći:

Srbi: 55-60%
Hrvati: 20-30%
Slovenci: 10-15%
Muslimani (Bošnjaci): 5-7%
Ostali (Makedonci, Crnogorci, Jevreji, itd.): 3-5%

Područja iz kojih je najveći deo Srba odlazio u partizane bila su ona pogođena nasiljem i represijom od strane okupacionih snaga i kolaboracionista, kao i iz područja gde su Srbi činili većinu. Srpsko stanovništvo u ovim krajevima bilo je izloženo represiji koju su sprovodili okupatori, kolaboracionistički režimi ali i sami partizani, tako da je partizanski pokret za mnoge Srbe postao utočište. Srbi u partizanskim jedinicama bili su prvenstveno iz sledećih krajeva: 1) BiH – Srbi iz ruralnih područja činili su veliki deo partizanskog pokreta, jer su trpeli snažnu represiju pod ustaškim režimom NDH. Mnogi su se priključili partizanima kako bi se zaštitili od genocida i etničkog čišćenja; 2) Hrvatska Krajina i Dalmacija – Srbi iz Krajine, Like, Korduna, Banije i Dalmacije, koji su živeli na teritorijama koje su takođe bile i pod NDH, priključili su se partizanima zbog sličnih razloga kao i Srbi iz BiH; 3) Srbija – U početnim fazama rata, partizanski pokret u Srbiji bio je vrlo ograničen. Tek nakon italijanske kapitulacije 1943. partizanski pokret je postao značajniji u zapadnoj Srbiji, Šumadiji i Sandžaku. 4) Crna Gora – Srbi i Crnogorci iz Crne Gore činili su značajan deo partizanskog pokreta, posebno u prvim fazama rata.

Titovi generali 1945: Do kraja Drugog sv. rata 1945, Titova vojska, odnosno NOVJ, imala je oko 50 generala. Među njima Srbi su činili 70%, dok su Crnogorci činili 15%, što znači da je svega oko 15% bilo ne srpsko-crnogorskih generala. Oni su zauzimali ključne pozicije u vojnom i političkom vrhu posleratne Jugoslavije. Od dvanaest najznačajnijih Titovih generala deset su bili Srbi ili Crnogorci a samo su dva Hrvati (Ivan Gošnjak i Vicko Krstulović). (General koji je predložio oslobađanje Jasenovca bio je upravo Vicko Krstulović a sprečili su ga Vladimir Bakarić, Hebang i Krajačić, te je ta akcija odložena za 10 dana).

Koča Popović: Načel. Generalštaba, ministar spoljnih poslova FNRJ        Aleksandar Ranković: Potpredsed. FNRJ, ministar SUP-a, šef UDBE             Milovan Đilas:             Potpredsednik vlade FNRJ                     
Peko Dapčević:             Načelnik Generalštaba JNA
Kosta Nađ:                 Komandant JNA za Vojvodinu         
Arso Jovanović:         Prvi načelnik Generalštaba NOVJ.                
Veljko Vlahović:         Predsednik savezne skupštine                     
Slobodan Penezić Krcun:  Predsednik vlade Srbije                 
Svetozar Vukmanović Tempo: Predsednik SIV-a (vlada SFRJ)                           Petar Drapšin:       (preminuo 1945)                        
Ivan Gošnjak:      Zamenik načel. Generalšt. NOVJ, ministar odbr. FNRJ         Vicko Krstulović:    Predsednik Sabora Hrvatske 

 

                                DODATAK III
  Milovan Đilas: Iz intervjua britanskom časopisu Encounter                                                    Decembar 1979.
 
    […]
  Encounter: Da li je prisilni povratak 20 do 40.000 Jugoslovena bio ispravan?
   Đilas: Većina ljudi koje su Britanci prisilno vratili iz Austrije bili su obični seljaci. Nisu nikoga ubili. Nisu bili ni ustaše ni slovenski domobrani. Jedini njihov zločin bio je strah pred komunizmom i glasine o komunistima. Njihova jedini motiv da napuste zemlju bila je panika. Da su nam Britanci predali „kvislinške“ vođe poput Nedića i policijske agente koji su zajedno s nacistima mučili i ubijali ljude, ili su to sami radili, ne bi se postavljalo pitanje moralnosti britanskog postupka…
   Encounter: Bilo ih je oko 40-50.000?
   Đilas: Mislim da ih nije bilo toliko jer su mnogi četnici i simpatizeri četnika uhvaćeni na jugoslavenskom tlu – pre nego što su imali šanse za beg u Austriju. Ali Britanci su sigurno imali nekih 20-30.000 u svojim rukama. To je stvarno velik broj, a bili su tu i Rusi – Kozaci i Vlasovljevi ljudi – koje su Britanci takođe vratili. Neke u direktnu smrt, neke u lagano umiranje u sovjetskim logorima.
    […]
    Encounter: Iznenađuje me da čujem to što vi kažete da SSSR, bliski saveznik vaše vlade i Zapada u ratu protiv nacističke Nemačke, nije imao legitimitet 1945. godine. Je li vaša vlada bila legitimna?
    Đilas: Još manje! Mi smo bili jedna sasvim nova, sirova revolucionarna snaga bez pravo izabranog vodstva, bez sudova i svega ostaloga. Ustvari, mi smo još u 1945. godini zatvarali ljude nasumce, bilo iz političkih razloga ili zbog bilo čega što smo mi smatrali krivicom.
   Encounter: […] No, jeste li i 1945. mislili da su Britanci bili zavedeni u vezi povratka vaših izbeglica?
   Đilas: […] Britanci su napravili ogromnu grešku što su vratili te ljude nazad preko granice, isto kao što smo i mi napravili još veću grešku što smo ih sve poubijali…
   Encounter: Moj stav je da se masovna strijeljanja nisu mogla izvršiti bez izravne Titove naredbe?
   Đilas: Je li Tito dao za to direktno naređenje ili ne, to niko ne zna, ali je sigurno to da je on bio za jedno radikalno rešenje iz pragmatičnih razloga isto kao što su Britanci imali pragmatične razloge da vrate izbeglice.
    […]
    Encounter: Osporava li taj nedostatak britansku demokratiju? […]
    Đilas: […] Napokon, u Britaniji je, iako s velikim zakašnjenjem, istina ipak izašla na videlo. U Jugoslaviji i SSSR-u još uvijek je zabranjeno govoriti o tim temama.

 

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  • Kočović Bogoljub: Žrtve Drugog svetskog rata u Jugoslaviji, „Naše delo”, London 1985; drugo izdanje, Svjetlost, Sarajevo, 1990.
  • Žerjavić Vladimir: Gubici stanovništva Jugoslavije u Drugom svjetskom ratu, Jugoslovensko Viktimološko društvo, Zagreb, 1989, 191.
  • Savremena istraživanja, uključujući radove Muzeja žrtava genocida u Beogradu i Spomen-područja Jasenovac, sugerišu brojke koje se kreću između 80.000 i 100.000 žrtava. D. Cvetković I Ivo Goldstein potvrđuju 83.000 imena žrtava. Holocaust Memorial Museum daje cifru između 77 – 99.000.
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